1. First Stage Of Development Website Staff UI Universitas


    The second step was building private schools. The company started establishing Tunas Karya School in 1979,  followed by Al Azhar Islamic School in 1983. As an Islamic school affiliation, Al Azhar held the brand name  as the best Islamic school in Jakarta. Therefore shortly afterward, the school successfully triered the image  of the area and steadily boosted the market for housing units. These encouraged the establishment of other  schools such as BPK Penabur, North Jakarta International School, Jakarta Taipei International School, and Don Bosco. Institutionally, schools and public facilities in Indonesia should become linked to the territorial unit of the  district organization, based on the population density of the distric As recommended by Perry (1929 one  elementary school is ordinarily required for apopulation between 5000 and 10. 000 persons. It is interesting to reveal that the establishment of the private school in Kelapa Gading has nothing to do with the size of  neighborhood, as often measured in the theory of neighborhood design. In Kelapa Gadin the establishment of  aprivate school first - which should not have to be fulfilled as aparameter to embody acomprehensive plan  for the establishment of community, instead this acted as the means to advertise the fine features and benefits  of the city development that would provide the urban neighborhood with excellent education opportunities.  Building good schools - which means aracting large families with children is auniversal and classical  principle, yet by no means significantly stimulating great numbers of population. The role of schools is central  to establishing an embryo of Kelapa Gading to become acity.  The third step was preparing the commercial center. In 1982 Sucipto started to buy the surrounding land of his  initial projec set up land developmen and then he took over the construction of 2 kilometers lenh and 48  meters wide street that he named after Kelapa Gading Boulevard. To gain livability and vitality in 1983 the  developer built rows of mixed use buildings known as rukos or shop/office-houses along the boulevard. As had  been shown in many parts of cities in Indonesia as well as Asian countries, shop houses were typical of  enduring urban elements that not only maintain the economic sustainability of acity, but also retain the energy  and liveliness of the inner city (Ellisa, 1998 However, although shop houses represent anovel rearranging of  effectively internal space through mixed uses of business and livin such hybrid complexes do not really  constitute architectural innovation. Usually, when this type of building stand in line, it contributions to the  townscape is nothing more than adull and anonymous appearance. Therefore, during those times, it was  unpopular idea to establish commercial strip with shop houses within real estate housing complexes.  Developers more interested in developing ahandsome garden city without being interrupted by the bustling of  business activities and the boredom of repetitious façades generated by shop houses.  Nevertheless, the company considered that establishing commercial centers with shop houses was an  appropriate scheme since shop houses provide the place for small-scale businesses and enhance  entrepreneurship. But encouraging the merchant to rent or purchase units of shop houses and to initiate  businesses were not asimple task. Most merchants were doubtful about the threshold of business activity.  People demonstrated their skepticism since the commercial development appeared to neglect central place  concepts, which offers considerable utility as aplanning guideline. The characteristics of shopping behavior,  the market area boundary and existing population density during those times hardly stimulated the purchase of goods and the services offered.  As argued by Hartshorn (1980 the entrepreneurial behavior often neglects the principal of the central place  concep An entrepreneur in amarket distribution system often adjusts instantaneously to change the business  environmen They have "˜perfect knowledge' of their market and there may be significant time lag between  environmental changes and entrepreneurial reactions to those changes. Sucipto was convinced that raising  successful commercial center as the primary organ of city development would take along time and this  gradually occurred. Yet the process was full of surprises and was hard to predict - or was even unpredictable,  before it has happened. To counter these merchant's doub Sucipto had to exercise various strategies that  included financial subsidies and zero rental incentives. The aim was to eliminate the anxiety among merchants  that the amount of overhead cost would hinder the probability of break-even or profitable business investments  in Kelapa Gadin Sucipto also started to develop low-order convenience goods with low threshold level of    He aimlessly started to invest by erecting 30 small detached houses, each was 5 x18 square meters in size,  which was later on called the Kelapa Gading Permai housing complex. During those times, there was an  important force he recalled as ablessing in disguise: the absent of competition among the developers. He was  the only person who pioneered the development of this no-man's land. This milestone was precious since  afterwards he gained profits when 300 housing units of Kelapa Gading Permai were sold ou In 1976 he  established the Summarecon Agung Company. From then on he set up himself to be seriously involved in the  real estate business.  The company performed as the sole operater to build the city: buy the land, get zoning and  subdivision approvals, put in the infra structure and set up buildings. Figure 1. Location of Kelapa Gading in North Jakarta 2. Second Stage of Development: Seing Up the Stimulus  As the owner of the company, Sucipto started with humble small numbers of houses, but then moved ahead by  buying ample land and assuring complete control to develop the housing that would aract the middle class.  He upholds with three principles every potential developer should adhere to: firs he stays in "his own  backyard" or the area he was very familiar with and intimate; second, he always acquires the right parcel in the  direction of growth; third, he starts gradually small and then goes through the entire process of developmen  i.e. the negotiation for the land, the land acquisition study, the approval and the construction of buildings and  infrastructure.  The experience of dealing with small land parcels has provided him invaluable lessons about  the development without risks, compared to large development efforts. When the process makes aprofi he goes to larger job and then takes the next step.  In 1978 the company conducted an extensive landfill process to modify 30 hectares of swampy land to obtain  the soil bearing capacity required. In this stage Sucipto made careful plans and astep-by step process for  developing key factors in establishing the stimulus for the city of which some of his predecessors had  overlooked. He developed markets, schools, acommercial and food center, and eventually asports center in chronological order.  The first step was to set up awet market close to an already built housing complex. In the next period of  developmen the company moved the market to the interior area of the housing complex. This was the strategy  to put the interior units on the marke since in fact it was more difficult to sell these units. In 1984 the company  built  Pasar Mandiri - aretail complex anchored by asupermarket and surrounded by variety of stores.  Although this paern is typical of commercial buildings, it was new for Indonesia. The idea copied the concept  of "˜market' such as in Singapore. For the first time and later in subsequent actions, Sucipto applied ashortcu  acting as an imitator rather than an innovator. In building components of the city, he proved himself that  imitation seldom requires as much trial and error as innovation does. The former makes up only afraction of  many individual instances, in which new goods and services are added logically to older work.      economic support such as copy center, barbershop, drycleaners, drugstore, beauticians, and other convenience grocery stores.  Surprisingly the effort resulted in asuccessful outcome. Gradually after 20 years, more than 1500 units of shop  houses line along the boulevard and make them into longest line of shop houses build by single developer in Jakarta. There are also other 2. 000 units of shop houses built by Summarecon in Kelapa Gading city outside  the boulevard. Despite the long standing and highly competitive malls and department stores, shop houses  along this main boulevard still hold the leading edge as the driving force to trier the formation of Kelapa Gading as an entrepreneurial city.  But relying merely in commercial and business activities would not guarantee livability. This aspect forced the  developer to build the image of the boulevard as afood center. There are three reasons that culinary businesses  are considered to be importan First the area needs activity at night to avoid ghost's street syndrome. There are  tendencies that commercial centers are characterized by strong day time-night time contrast as aresult of their  specific functions. The company realized that most business activities take place during weekday business  hours, except entertainment and dining that occurs throughout the day. Second, people who live in the housing  complex spent most of their whole time outside their homes, as there was no much need to cook at home.  Third, most of the inhabitants were small nuclear families and cooking at home was not considered to be efficien  In 1983 the developer started to persuade the food sellers in Pecenongan, one of the existing famous street  foods serving excellent Chinese seafood in Jakarta to relocate their facilities. The location of Pecenongan is  close to the National Monument of Jakarta, but far away from Kelapa Gadin In this case, the company  employed ashort cut through the straight forward reproduction of Pecenongan Kelapa Gading in the form of a parent organization of the original Pecenongan as the formula of afragmental work. After along time the  strule to maintain new merchants keep on going with their business, eventually the area become as the most  popular food center in Jakarta. Now in the evening and on weekends, restaurants and various businesses along  the street and sidewalks have maintained the bustling ambience of the city center of Kelapa Gadin Figure 2. Development Phases and Map of Kelapa Gading            Figure 3. Some Building Images in Kelapa Gading    The company's achievement to sustain Kelapa Gading is based on paradox between rigid formulas and  innovation. The company must adhere to rigid formulas that govern the city's profitability. At the same time a city needs to generate continual innovation, in order to stay at the forefront of the constantly changing  "˜state-of-the art' status of an entrepreneurial city. In this case, Kelapa Gading has much in common with the  development of living organism; it is constantly changing in accordance with its content and function; it avoids stagnation and rigidity.  However, there is ahidden dilemma the company should conquer. Although there was never any actively  discriminatory selection process, the developer's vision to enhance entrepreneurship drove the concentration  of ethnic Chinese Indonesian to live in Kelapa Gadin This produced neighborhood community which is  mirrored by the disadvantaged aspects of mono-ethnic enclave.   The commercial and public spaces, however, remain as spaces of social mixture and coexistence between  diverse socio-economic and ethnic groups. So far, much effort was exerted by the company to elevate the role  of public spaces as the crossroads of diverse groups and cultures. For instance, since 2004, the company  annually holds JS (Jakarta Food Festival and Fashion) Carnival. Acarnival identity has been invented  through extraordinary montages that emerge from combinatory cultures, which are performed by aparade of  illuminated floats or carts, with individuals walking in costume and wearing body pain as well as a Brazilian  festival Mardigras. These festivals and carnivals do not have to commemorate significant occurrences. The  company simply motivates inhabitants to embrace and appeal to diverse groups of people to enjoy the even  It is only amaer of time whether the enhancement of public space can be used not only as the selling point for  the commercial purpose, but also to establish the framework for sociability. As an entrepreneurial city, Kelapa  Gading is inhabited by highly dynamic and mobile societies, so that there is no doubt that social relations will  be constantly fluid. Therefore, purposefully permanent and consistency in utilizing public spaces might be  unnecessary. Instead, spontaneity and temporary approach will be amore desire permanency quality to support  the process of dynamic and stable growth of Kelapa Gading Summarecon City.     References  Boyer, Mhristine, 1998, the City as Collective Memory: Its Historical Imaginary and Architectural Entertainmen (MIT Press,  Massachuses p.64    THE ENTREPRENEURIAL CITY OF KELAPA GADING, JAKARTA  EVAWANI ELLISA  Department of Architecture Faculty of Engineering  University of Indonesia  [email protected]        Abstrac In metropolitan Jakarta, the ability of private developers to mobilize funds and control over large amounts of  land gives considerable impact on the making and implementation of astatutory spatial plan for the new town.  Notwithstandin  new towns, as products of ahuge network of processes that led them to become gradually whole,  represent neo-traditional towns grown on the vision, the internal logic and the self-determined aims of real estate  companies.     Among several new towns in Jakarta, Kelapa Gading represents an urban growth machine with much greater involvement  by business people. This fastest growing sector of the greater economy in Jakarta might be also the greatest innovator  when it comes to the entrepreneurial based urban concep Unlike the old model of city economic regeneration based on  public sector subsidy and inward looking business led by local governmen Kelapa Gading represents the new model of  the new city where private sector takes on the leading role.      This paper examines how the developer had transformed vast unproductive lands in Kelapa Gading into asatellite city of  almost 20. 000 units of houses, apartments, shop houses and malls. The study was based on the investigation of existing  as-built archives as well as exploration of the process through which the township has been created and represented as a new city by asingle development company.    It reveals that Sucipto Nagaria, the owner of the company become the main figure who upholding the law in acoherent  approach to account properly for the growth, the developmen and the morphology of the emerging city. He made careful  controls and astep by step process for building up the key factors in the process of city developmen both in terms of  constant movement and seled formations. As aresult Kelapa Gading is amature township and fast growing city with  concentration of residential and retail developmen None other part of Jakarta competes with the dynamic city rhythms  and elasticity of Kelapa Gadin This is indicates by the high frequency rate of mobility and transition of property  ownership in the city. Kelapa Gading represents an entrepreneurial city that recognizes the effect of interaction amongst  various components within the economic flow that produce city dynamism.    The paper concludes that the company's achievement to sustain Kelapa Gading is based on paradoxical talents. The  company must adhere to the rigid formulas that govern the city's profitability, but at the same time it needs to generate  continual innovation, in order to stay at forefront of the constantly changing "state of the art" of an entrepreneurial city.     1. First Stage of Development: Starting from Zero   Ever since Marcus Licinius Crassus, the richest developer from ancient Rome, there was amyth that real estate  development was agame played by very rich people (Hines, 1988 Sucipto Nagaria, the single figure very  well known as the city builder of Kelapa Gadin was not wealthy when he began involving himself in the real  estate business. However, as an entrepreneur, he has the sensitivity to notice the opportunities of raw land and  then to respond with solutions to transform the land into "crown jewels".   The forming process of the city began in 1970 when the metropolitan government of Jakarta built the new road  of Perintis Kemerdekaan which connected Senen area in the city center to Pulo Gadung in the East of Jakarta.  Knowing the direction of growth in surrounding area, Sucipto bought 10 hectares of the swampy land close by  the new road. At the time, he acted as aspeculator who owns two conditions that must prevail in order to gain  profitability in land speculation: the availability of money and the expectation of rising land price. He bought  the land without any intention to use ibut to resell it for profi         population, which drives an increase in the population of affluent ethnic Chinese Indonesians.   Increasing  pressures on urban land lead to waves of land speculation that establishes agap between cheap and expensive  land. Therefore within amono-ethnic enclave, socio-economic status operates as asecondary form of differentiation in Kelapa Gadin The existing middle and upper-class residences, however, tend to increase the degree of ethnic integration,  since amodern life style and common consumption paerns reduce the ethnic differences. In asituation where  the members of ethnic minorities are overwhelmingly concentrated in anarrow range of the socio-economic  status there may be no effective discrimination in the hierarchy between ethnic identities (Timms, 1971   As a resul although Kelapa Gading was represented mono-ethnic geographies which imposed forms of residential  segregation, there is also asign of ethnic diversity. Nevertheless, the situation is less favorable in some parts of  the city, such as in the housing area in Kelapa Nias and in the areas along the main streets which were dominated by shop houses.  5. Concluding Remarks  The city of Kelapa Gading strenhens what Peter Marcuse (2006) argues that in global cities, tradition  fundamentally involves the power relations. Private developer with their ability to mobilize funds and their  control over considerable amount of land, are influencing the making and implementation of statutory spatial  plans for the new town. Borrowing from Christine Boyer (1998 Kelapa Gading represents the "˜City of  Spectacle' where the city was loses its manufacturing base. Boyer argued that the city experimented with new  coalitions of public-private investment to produce residential, work, and leisure time spaces in order to support  and expand tax incentives to private developers and property owners.   Notwithstanding Kelapa Gading as the  product of ahuge network of process that led the city to become gradually whole, the city represents a neo-traditional town of which the city grows on the vision, the internal logics and the selfs determined aims of areal estate company.   Kelapa Gading was invented by Sucipto Nagaria, asingle ordinary figure who upholds the law in acoherent  approach to account properly for the growth, the developmen and the morphology of the emerging city. He  developed the city incrementally and step-by-step.  The city constructed by an additive approach, begins with  small parts and proceeds from there to form the whole. But it is not really amaer of simple addition, since the  process was based on selections of common factors influenced by "the hidden rule" which follows Sucipto's model of step-by-step developmen Imitation and replication governed the city's developmen since in developing major parts of the city Sucipto  observed one from another and then either imitated or replicated the paerns. This can be observed from  several components, segments, and ingredients, among others are Gading Batavia which was replica of Boat  Quay in Singapore and the commercial center of Blok MKelapa Gading which was replica of Blok M Kebayoran. His action as imitator of building artifacts practically is enforced by the need for the "˜shortcut',  since Sucipto has proven that imitation seldom requires as much trial and error as innovations do. But he was  acting as an innovator in defining urban concepts by controlling imitated artifacts as the hardware for fulfilling his vision.  Summarecon Company transformed vast unproductive lands into an entrepreneurial city that recognized the  effect of interaction amongst various components within "the economic flows" that produced the city  dynamism. As aresul the city is both in constant movemen yet is seled in its formation. Other parts of  Jakarta do not compete with the dynamic city rhythms and elasticity of Kelapa Gadin This is indicated by the  high frequency of mobility and transition of property ownership in the city. According to Panangian  Simanungkalit (2005 aleading property analyst in Indonesia, the ability to change the physical shape to  accommodate growth indicates that Kelapa Gading among the most successful real estate developments in the  nation.      The company ended the second phase of development by establishing asports club in 1984. In Jakarta, it was  the first fitness center established inside ahousing complex, astrategy which then was followed by other  developers. During those times, the sport club membership symbolized high class status. Sucipto was inspired  by real estates in Kuala Lumpur and Singapore which provided sports club as one of the prime elements in  order to achieve affluent buyers. He adopted the same concept and prepared acareful design to establish  Kelapa Gading Sport Club to become the biest sports club in Indonesia at that time. Ever since, Kelapa  Gading Sport Club completely boosted the reputation of Kelapa Gading and accordingly increased the  purchasing of housing properties by affluent people.   3. Third Stage of Development: Completing the City   As the area of Kelapa Gading grows mature, the increase of population growth and buying power signaled  opportunities to derive benefits from the rise of personal and business income. After successfully creating the  community shopping center of Pasar Mandiri and the shopping street along boulevard, the developer sought  the opportunity for asuper-regional center. To begin with Sucipto started with his own words. He initiated the  third phase of development of Kelapa Gading city as he said in 1985: "" Iintend to establish acopy of  existing Blok MKebayoran into Blok MKelapa Gading in ten years and ten years afterward the copy should be beer than the original (Kartawijaya, 2005)". During 1980s Blok MKebayoran was one of the most prominent shopping centers in Jakarta, while Kelapa  Gading was not more than just embryo of acity. But as the developer, Sucipto believed in himself and his right  to guide his own destinies. Driven to be successful, he is an action and goal oriented. He prepared 20 hectares  of land along the boulevard that he named Blok MKelapa Gadin Geographically the land was awell located  site, easily reached at the intersection of two major highways in the South and North. The area around the site  was not only started to be densely populates but also provided adequate financing since the area's buying power was strong enough.  The company started with establishing amini market inside the existing Mandiri Market in 1985. Later on, the  developer set up one building followed by others, from Diamond supermarket in 1987, Kelapa Gading Plaza 1  in 1990, Kelapa Gading Plaza 2 in 1995, Kelapa Gading Plaza 3 in 2003 and La Piazza in 2005. The malls  generated asuper-regional shopping complex broadly totaling of 500. 000 m2 or 20% of the total shopping mall area in Jakarta. The malls were visited by 30 million people every year and were promoted as the biest mall in Indonesia (Kartawijaya, 2005  Finally, the company put effort in strenhening the image of Kelapa Gading as the prominent culinary center  in Jakarta. In 2000 the company opened the Gading Food City as the place to meet and relax. Practically  speakin it does not only offer immeasurable types of food, but also offers apeaceful ambiance and greenery  for its eating places. In 2002, another food center called Gading Batavia was opened for the public. The area  skillfully mixed the content of "˜what to offer' with the context of "˜how to offer it'. The design of each  restaurant bore the imprint of Old Batavia while the ambience of the area replicates the Singaporean Boat Quay by emphasizing an existing canal.  Twenty years later, Sucipto finally proved the truth of his own words. Blok MKelapa Gading has totally  changed the face of the city. The mosquito-ridden swampland was transformed into a500 hectare mixed use  compound, encompassing residential, shop houses, shopping malls, food centers, and various urban facilities.  Since 2006 the city developed by Summarecon Company officially changed its name from Kelapa Gading  Permai into Summarecon Kelapa Gadin The sculptures set up as gates of the city in the South, the East and  the West symbolize the strong correlation between the city and the company.         4. Kelapa Gading Communities There are three typical forms of community are observable in Kelapa Gading: 1) the working-class with moderate income levels 2) the middle class family which exhibit strong family orientation and 3) the very exclusive residential communities. Based on interviews with the management of Summarecon Company, it is  generally recognized that neighborhoods go through cycles of growth. When the neighborhood is newly  formed, new development is in vogue. When the neighborhood reaches its maturity it will start to decline in  property value and business activity. Many neighborhoods will then reach arevitalization stage when  neighborhood growth reoccurs. In this case, the development company of Kelapa Gading needs to place a reasonable amount of capital into new structures. Property values and business activities will then reach anew  peak. This peak in neighborhood development may then be followed by another period of investor apathy and  unstable market conditions. Then again, anew cycle is beginning to occur.   The initial development of the housing complex in Kelapa Gading represented no particular design innovation.  The speculative gridiron configurations of local streets were emphasized, presumably to maintain the option of  normal sales of building lots, considering that they were established when Kelapa Gading was set up for  working class families into moderate income communities. Typically the houses are single story row houses of which each unit is divided by aparty wall.  In the subsequence phase of developmen which occurred during 1990s, the company supplied single-family  semi-detached houses. This was an aempt to provide affordable single-family housing to alarge segment of  the population. Residents exhibit astrong family orientation which is represented by the family emphasis on  privacy and apreference to stay at home. The threshold issues for many families who live in these housing  enclaves are the good quality of existing schools as well as the proximity distance to various types of shopping centers and places to relax.  Exclusive housing establishment as the latest phase is predominantly supplied by developer for affluent  people. They are the apartments of Wisma Gading Permai and  The Summit  where the rich are living in a protected environment with all possible services. The developers also established the very exclusive and  peaceful housing areas located in the isolated compounds such as Gading Nirvana, Gading Park View, Gading  Riviera, Gading Kusuma, Bukit Gading Villa, The Kew and Royal Gadin  Each cluster has its own  architectural style, such as Gading Kusuma with Classical Modern, Gading Nirwana with Mediterranean,  Gading Riviera with American-Stylistic, and Gading Park View with Modern but classical features. All perfect  high class western style houses sit silently within manicured lawns or with atropical garden theme in the  foreground. Some clusters have their own swimming pools and playgrounds.  Bukit Gading Villa, often nicknamed as the Beverly Hill of Jakarta, is populated by an exclusive upper-income  group and is distinguished by very large lots between 420 "“ 1,300 square meters each. Luxurious features such  as swimming pool and driver as well as maid quarters are very common in every house. Divided into four  clusters, Bukit Gading Villa is arranged with agreen environment theme and tropical flowers. The design  theme of the house follows the owner's taste, but mostly features the American and the European characteristic  to fit owner preferences for all things Western. Bukit Gading Villa is said to be representing 'the masterpiece'  of Kelapa Gading and is recognized as one of the most expensive housing clusters in Jakarta.  Now after thirty years of evolving from amodest beginning of 10 hectares to the present of 500 hectares,  Kelapa Gading has grown into amature township with aconcentration of residential and retail developments.  The rich texture of commercial uses and facilities that "everything can be within reach in front of the houses"  drove agreat population increase in short period. Today there are some 20. 000 units of houses, apartments and commercial centers in the city. Populations of some 150. 000 people live in various kinds of housing types and form the urban communities in Kelapa Gadin  The entrepreneurial city of Kelapa Gadin however, produced amono-ethnic enclave. There is no valid  measure of residential differentiation in this study, but obviously Kelapa Gading predominantly is inhabited by  ethnic Chinese Indonesians. Driven by the developer's vision to support entrepreneurship, from the very  beginnin the ethnic Chinese Indonesians were creating initial Chinese territorial demarcations in Kelapa  Gadin Subsequently, Kelapa Gading merely aracted speculators as well as the middle and the upper class